ESTATUTO DA IGREJA DO EVANGELHO QUADRANGULAR PDF

E-mail: flmds usp. What is the performance of Evangelical candidates in Brazilian legislative elections? Would Pentecostal candidates be responsible for the political representation of Evangelicals? Do Pentecostal churches have a high degree of electoral success? The Evangelicals influence in Brazilian politics has become increasingly prominent both in the media and in the academia. It is a consequence of the rapid expansion of Pentecostalism in Brazil.

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To browse Academia. Skip to main content. By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. Log In Sign Up. Evangelicals, pentecostals and political representation in Brazilian legislative elections Fabio Lacerda.

E-mail: flmds usp. Despite ing point for Evangelical electoral mobilization in being the case of most Evangelical electoral success Brazil. In the elections, the The underrepresentation of minorities in con- number of elected Evangelical candidates grew to temporary democracies is a major subject in the so- 32, and has grown further since then. However, de- cial sciences. One of the un- responsibility for its remaining deficiencies.

The database to replicate this article is availa- Mansbridge A representation in parliament ble from the author under request. E-mail address: that reflects a given constituency could contribute flmds usp. On the other hand, there are ar- crease in the number of Evangelical representatives guments that put descriptive representation into in Brazilian politics. The literature on the subject question. In fact, both the media and sitions in local, state and federal legislatures. The the academia have in general a negative assessment best known case is probably Igreja Universal do of the Evangelical electoral activism.

In addition, no sys- quences of Pentecostal growth in Latin America tematic empirical effort was made to scrutinize began to increase since the late s. Studies the Evangelical electoral mobilization based not on the subject stressed how Pentecostal churches only on elected politicians, but also on the to- would enter in politics by adopting clientelis- tal of Evangelical candidates of a given set of tic practices potentially harmful to democracy elections. Electoral support of the faithful problematic for obvious reasons.

The literature would be an effective way to elect Pentecostal on recruitment and political careers emphasizes leaders, who, once in power, would benefit their the importance of analyzing representation tak- churches with pork barrel and clientelism. The ing into account also the unelected competi- alleged argument is based on the implicit as- tors e. Besides, statements high degree of electoral support to their leaders.

By using a new database of Evangelical can- nandes ; Oro ; Borges ; Mariano and didates, containing information about church Oro ; Machado and Burity Would Pentecostal corporate candidates be model of political representation.

Do Pentecostal churches mote them to the faithful. Freston identified have a high degree of electoral success? My goal is to bleia de Deus, Igreja do Evangelho Quadrangular and provide a more precise analytical definition of the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus Freston , p. Next, I describe the strategies used to in Pentecostal churches. Then, I focus on the performance cerned about the consequences of this relationship of Pentecostal corporate representation and on for the Protestant field e.

The last section sum- than for politics, my concern lies mainly in marizes the findings, presents the conclusions and the political and electoral consequences of the phe- suggests ways for future research. The presence of representatives of Pentecostal The changes occurred in the Protestant field churches was almost inexpressive. In , only 12 in Brazil, added to the Brazilian political system Evangelicals had been elected to the chamber, with post in particular the open-list proportional seven affiliated to the Igreja Batista [Baptists] and representation and the high magnitude of Brazil- one to the Assembleia de Deus [Assembly of God].

This time, despite the presence legislative candidates officially supported by Pente- of ten Baptist deputies along with representatives of costal churches.

Igreja Universal. Their change Freston ; Pierucci This recognition need not be publicized and B. I give examples of the three cases below. In fact, most of the churches that In , federal representative Benedicta adopt the corporate representation model do not da Silva, from Partido dos Trabalhadores PT publicize their support out of their congregation.

Evangeli- explicit reference to a church. Generally, question- cal, Benedicta was once a member of Assembleia ings made by outside researchers to church leaders de Deus, but today she is a Presbyterian.

This definition excludes sources of churches, being rather based on her po- from the concept all candidates who profess a litical militancy PT and participation in social given Evangelical faith, but are not supported by movements. Thus, Ms. Silva would be an example their churches.

They would be Evangelical candi- of the case A. The distinc- Jefferson Campos, from Partido Social tion below illustrates the idea. Candidate A is only an affiliate of elected to his fourth term as congressman. Campos has a formal not necessarily committed to the candidacy of A. Campos is an example of case B. Bueno candidate A. However, in April , the can- A third possible case of relationship between didate received a complaint about alleged involve- church and candidate that deserves to be cited is ment in a child prostitution network.

This is the case of many churches a member of the church. Bueno would in executive elections: they publicly promote a be an example of the case C. In addition, I problematic, things are not that simple at the em- have decided to include as well the representatives pirical level. I give an example. When I asked what kind of sup- AD was brought to Brazil in and is the sec- port, he said that the church i. The Swedish missionaries is obliged to vote for him just because of it. Its is neither financial nor logistical support.

The na- of support of churches candidates can be circum- tional link between the churches is made by pastors, vented through a change in strategy. Previous lit- the churches idem, pp. The best known are the similarities between the two churches, the geo- probably the National Convention of the Assemblies graphical scope of IIGD is much smaller than the of God in Brazil Conamad for the Brazilian acro- Iurd, being concentrated above all in the southeast.

As Mr. Soares, Mr. In , IMPD had more than 4, tem- between them. Although it appears to have a through missionaries Harold Williams and structure less centered in a leader than the others, Jesus Ramos. In , Williams named it Cru- its first president was the engineer Manuel de Bar- zada, and in , it was structured as Igreja do ros Passos, who gives his name to a homonymous Evangelho Quadrangular Santos Until foundation linked to the church.

Unlike AD, in size between the six churches. AD is by far the which has a decentralized character, IEQ has the largest Pentecostal church, and it is also the largest structure of an episcopal government.

There is Evangelical church in Brazil in number of believ- a National Council elected every four years and ers, accounting for State and Local Councils as well. The second of the six is the Igreja Universal, with Perhaps the most famous Pentecostal church in 4. Since then, it has shown a remark- later, each having 0. However, the relationship between the states. Iurd, which would make its decision-making and administrative processes more dynamic and facilitate their investments.

Besides being the most famous, Igreja some difficulties, the most obvious being how to rec- Universal is also the most politically and electorally ognize or identify a candidate and his church.

That successful Brazilian Pentecostal church. The number of Evangel- Universal dissidents. Soares is no updated official survey, it certainly exceeds the in the city of Rio de Janeiro. It has considerable thousands. According to Mariano , it has fewer the more than 26 million Brazilian Pentecostals Prot- professional administrative head offices than those estants declared in , almost half Soares broke up. Despite belonged to the Assembleia de Deus Census.

Although many churches promote candidates except for their members the names of the candi- for their congregations, this is usually not publi- dates for whom they offer electoral support. How, cized outside the boundaries of the church. While then, to identify them? Firstly, it must be consid- media reports and research bodies periodically list ered that it would hardly be feasible to identify all the members of the Federal Evangelical caucus, the candidates in a given election.

The infeasibility these lists usually contain errors and outdated in- is due not so much to the size of the effort, which, formation. Examples of this situation are the lists of given the number of candidates in Brazilian legis- the Evangelical caucus made by the Departamento lative elections, would be considerable.

The main Intersindical de Assessoria Parlamentar [Union problem lies in the fact that there are a large number Department of Parliamentary Counsel] Diap, in of uncompetitive and inexpressive candidates, and it the Brazilian acronym. The Diap uses the crite- is virtually impossible to determine to which church rion of Evangelical parliamentary faith, relating not they are linked with. If, for example, there were a only Evangelicals from mainline and Pentecostal high probability of finding out to which church be- churches, but also some not linked to any particu- longs a candidate X who received ten thousand votes lar church.

Next, I describe the methodological strat- a serious selection bias problem. Although there is egy used to identify candidates. Example: in , from a total of candidates using Evangelical titles, Source: TSE.

Note also that, from mentioned elections.

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