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This banner text can have markup. Search the history of over billion web pages on the Internet. Author ; Title Accession This book should be returned on or before the date , last marked below. Translated by C. Payne, M. He compels two Chrislian children to become Moors. Route of Goes from Peshawar to Tarkand.

Sketch Map of Eengala. On page IV. Sketch Map showing Position of Syriam. Sketch Map of Lower Burma. I made the choice with some regret; for though du Jarric did not hesitate to abridge his authorities, at times somewhat drastically, he is a more polished and, on the whole, a more engaging writer than Guerreiro.

All three Parts belong to the firft decade of the seventeenth century, and each adds something of value to our knowledge of that period. As I have said elsewhere, the Jesuit Fathers did not profess to write hiftory. But though their letters tell us little of the political happenings of the time, they light up the pifture as a whole, and we see detail where before only outline was visible.

In the text I have allowed Guerreiro to have his own way with the spelling of proper names. Father Ricci's name is spelt it Jbur different ways in a single chapter. The portrait, which is unsigned, was probably painted in the early part of the seven- teenth century, and is a particularly fine example of the Mogul art of the period.

My grateful acknowledgments are due to Sir E. Maclagan for the help he has given me in the preparation of this volume, which owes much to his expert knowledge of the Mogul period and of the Jesuit writings. I am also indebted for valuable information and suggestions to Mr. Of the numerous authorities quoted or referred to in the notes, I have specially to acknowledge the assistance I have received from the writings of the Rev.

HoSten, S. Sir Henry Yule. LaStly I have to express my gratitude to my wife, who has drawn the sketch maps for Parts II and III, and whose advice throughout has been of great value. The work was compiled from the annual letters and reports sent to Europe from the various missionary centres. The work, which has never been reprinted, is extremely scarce. All five Parts are in the library of the British Museum; but I know of no other complete set.

Figueroa's work appears hitherto to have escaped notice, due no doubt to the faft that he does not disclose the name of the author whose work he is translating. Its title is, Hifforia y Anal Relafion de las cosas que hizieron los Padres de la Compania de Jesus, for las fanes de Oriente y otras, en la propagation del Santo Evangelio, los anos fassados de y It is a good translation, but is almost as scarce as the original work.

Of Guerreiro himself little is known. De Backer, in his Bibliotheque des Ecrivains de la Comfagnie de Jesus, ftates that he was born at Almodovar in , and that he died in , having held many honour- able pofts. Father Pierre du Jarric, who had some correspondence with him in conneftion with the pre- paration of his Hifloire, in which he made extensive use of the Relations, says, in the preface to his work, that he was at that time i.

The chief contribution to the subjeft is an account of the fifth Relation, written by the Rev. Hoften, S. This account, which appeared in the Journal of the Panjab Historical Society for , contains an abftraft of the chapters relating to ' Mogor,' with translations of the more important passages, and many valuable notes. A translation by the same writer of a chapter relating to the mission to Pegu see p.

A, d'Silva, was published in the Journal of Indian History. It is possible that other portions of the work have been translated, but the above are all that I have seen. Jahangir and the Jesuits. The passages which make up the text account are taken from Part IV fols. In these chapters with the exception of the laft, which is taken from another source Guerreiro has reproduced the substance of three letters written by Father Jerome Xavier to the Provincial of Goa, and dated respeftively September 25th, , Auguft 8th, , and Sep- tember 24th, The firl two were written from Lahore, and the laft from Agra.

The portions re- lating to each letter are indicated in the notes. I have, therefore, been able to amplify, and occasionally to elucidate, Guerreiro's narrative. As the letters have never been published, and because of the value and interest attaching to them as contemporary records, I have not hesitated to quote from them freely. Fortunately the damage is moftly to the margins of the pages ; but here and there a word, or even a whole line of the text has been obliterated.

The letters are closely written, and on both sides of the paper. As I found Xavier's writing very difficult to read, I cannot guarantee that my transcriptions are free from miftakes. From certain Statements contained in the laft chapter see note 20, p. In all probability Guerreiro derived his information from a letter, or letters, written by Father Pinheiro, and forwarded with, or incor- porated in, the Provincial's report for the year As I endeavoured to show in my introduftion to Akbar and the Jesuits, the Missions to the court of Akbar had both a religious and a political purpose, though some time elapsed before the latter became prominent.

So far as the firft of these aims was concerned, the Missions were failures; for Akbar, despite his genuine admiration for the Founder and the teachings of the Christian religion, refused to be bound by its dogmas, and died in his own faith whatever that may have been.

As far as the second aim was concerned, a certain measure of success was achieved. The converts made each year were few in number, but they were carefully selefted; and at the time our story opens a small but Staunch Christian community had grown up both in Agra and in Lahore.

Apart from any political considerations, the exig- ence of these Christian communities necessitated the continued residence of Fathers of the Society at the Mogul court. Such hopes, however, were soon shown to be groundless. The Fathers had, in faft, been completely taken in by these early out- burSts of religious zeal, the sincerity of which they apparently never doubted.

But Jahangir, or Prince Salim, as he then was, had his own reasons for the attitude he assumed at this period. He knew that his succession to the throne was by no means a foregone conclusion ; and he also knew that, in the event of his having to fight for his kingdom, the Portuguese had it in their power to render him very valuable assiSt- ance. In these circumstances, he was naturally anxious to Stand well with the authorities at Goa. The attitude of the latter would be largely determined by the reports received from the Mission ; and it was to make sure of being presented in a favourable light, that he cultivated the friendship of the Fathers, and posed as a prospective convert to Christianity.

Unlike his father, Jahangir had no feeling for religion. Though he was interested in, and took some pains to understand, the doftrines of Christianity and other faiths, he was in no real sense a seeker after the truth. The Study of religious problems was with him nothing more than a hobby. It amused him to liSten to disputes between his Mullas and the Fathers, juSt as it amused him to watch a fencing match or a cock-fight. He frequently joined in these disputes; and as he usually took the side of the Fathers, and made no effort to conceal his contempt for his own faith, new hopes began to be entertained of his conversion.

These were strength- ened by the fondness and reverence he displayed for piftures of ChriSt and the Virgin and the Christian saints, of which he possessed a large number. But once more the Fathers were too sanguine.

He respefted Islam as little as, or even less than, Akbar; but though he, too, appears to have had a genuine admira- tion for Christianity, he was never, like his father, drawn towards it. Akbar felt the want of a religion ; and Christianity made so Strong an appeal to him that, if he could have accepted its dogmas, he would probably have been baptised. But after the accession of Jahangir, the Mission began gradually to assume the character and funftions of an embassy, and, pan passu, the cause of evangelisation loft ground.

The Fathers, as we shall see, succeeded in outplaying the English traveller, Hawkins, and Guerreiro ends his narrative on a note of vidlory. But the knell of Portuguese supremacy in the Eat had already sounded. The employment of the Fathers as political agents, while it did much to impair their spiritual influence, did little to retard the impending ruin, the cause of which was not only the appearance on the scene of such powerful rivals as the English and the Dutch, but the faft that for years paft Portugal had been unable to afford her eaftern enter- prises the support in men and money which they so urgently needed; for, since her union with Spain in , Portugal had ceased to be mistress of her own resources; and the means which might have been expended in rendering her overseas possessions secure, were diverted into other channels.

There was another circumstance which contributed to the completeness of the collapse. Their courage inspired respeft wherever they went, and their skill in battle, by land or sea, led many to court their alliance. But they were proud and intolerant; and their general attitude towards Oriental peoples and Oriental beliefs and customs was one of arrogant contempt. Added to this, their control of the seas, which they exercised with relentless severity, was regarded with deep and widespread resentment.

Thus the Portuguese were admired, feared, and hated. But they were feared and hated more than they were admired; and when their position was challenged, they found themselves without a friend in the EaSt.

Father Pierre du Jarric has fre- quently been cited as an authority; but the account of Goes' travels contained in his HiSloire is taken entirely from the Relations of Guerreiro, and has, therefore, no independent value. It is important only because of the extreme rarity of the latter work. Father Ricci's account of the Cathay Mission, derived from the fragments of Goes' diary, and the information supplied by his servant Isaac, has, until quite recently, been known only through the Latin version of Father Nicolas Trigault, which was firft published in , and of which we have an English translation in Sir Henry Yule's well-known work, Cathay and the Way Thither IV.

In , however, Ricci's aftual memoirs were published at Macerata, under the editorship of Father Tacchi Venturi, S. Father Venturi's work is en- titled, Of ere Storriche del P. Matteo Ricci, S. The account of the Mission to Cathay occurs in the Commentarj pp. The discovery and publication of Ricci's own work naturally displaces Trigault's Latin version, which, though in the main reliable, is very far from being a literal translation.

Like Ricci's memoirs, the Relations of Guerreiro are Still known, except to a very few, only through a translation, and that a very incomplete one.

For though du Jarric drew the materials for the third part of his HiSloire almoSt exclusively from the Rela- tions, considerable portions of which he literally translated, there are many passages of the Portuguese work which he either abridged, or briefly summarised, or even omitted altogether. On the whole it may be said that du Jarric abridged wisely; but there are not a few instances, and this applies particularly to his account of the mission to Cathay, in which he has deprived his readers of matter that is both important and interesting.

The firSt two instalments are of special value, being based on the letters which Goes sent back to India whilst on his way to, and during his sojourn at, Yarkand. They thus shed light where it is moSt needed; for Ricci, who never saw these letters, knew very little about the earlier Stages of Goes' journey, of which his account is not only meagre, but manifestly inaccurate, or perhaps 'incorreft' would be the better word; for Ricci, no doubt, did the beSt he could with the scanty and fragmentary data he had to work upon.

It muSl also be borne in mind that Goes did not keep a diary in order that someone else might describe his travels, but that he might describe them himself. And not only were his notes and figures intended for his own information only; they muSt often have been written under the moSt trying circumstances, when the cold alone was sufficient to make the aft of writing almoSt a physical impossibility. It is not surprising, therefore, that Ricci found a difficulty in reconStrudting his pilgrim- age.

His task would have been no easy one if Goes' diary had reached him intaft.


Jerome Xavier

Jerome Xavier was born "in the castle of his father Miguel de Ezpeleta" [1] in the northern province of Navarre , Spain, in He spent the following years studying philosophy and theology before being ordained priest in After ordination he spent a number of years teaching "elementary subjects" [2] in Villarejo de Fuentes in Cuenca, Spain , before being sent east, arriving in Goa in September Upon arrival in Portuguese Goa Father Jerome was "appointed as master of novices ", [2] but quickly had to relinquish the position due to illness "as a consequence of the difficult sea-voyage and the troubles of acclimatization". In early Xavier was installed as the Rector of the Bassein College, though poor health hampered his duty once again and forced his transfer to the "more favorable climate" [2] of Cochin , where he occupied the same position from to Around this time he was appointed Superior of the Professed House of Goa, though election to his new position further strained tense relations between the Portuguese and Spanish in the Oriental colony. The tension of a Castillian ruling a Portuguese population was eased when Mughal Emperor Akbar — called for the third mission of Jesuit priests to his court [3] and Father Jerome was sent, by popular election, to Lahore where he arrived on May 5,


Jahangir and the Jesuits with an Account of the Travels of Benedict Goes by Payne C H




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